Showing posts with label Religion. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Religion. Show all posts

Saturday, September 12, 2009

Nicholas of Cusa and the Anthropology of Peace


Nicholas of Cusa and the Anthropology of Peace
By Paul Richard Blum
[Now published in Hans-Christian-Günther and Andrea Aldo Robiglio (eds.), The European Image of God and Man. A Contribution to the Debate on Human Rights, Leiden: Brill, 2010, pp. 271-284]
When in 1453, under the impression of the Fall of Constantinople, Nicholas of Cusa wrote about "peace of faith" his intellectual baggage was laden and with theological and philosophical problems and methods. For good reasons this text has been interpreted as a philosophical-theological treatise on the conditions of the possibility of unity among diverse religions.[1] However, I believe that Cusanus does not at all explain the existence of unity of faith as a given, he, rather, postulates such unity as a necessity and as the aim that lies before us and gives us directions. Apparently the author does not alone severally introduce the variety of religions, but he gives them a voice in a polyphonic conversation on all levels of the heavenly hierarchy: from God the Father via the Son, the Angels and Saints down to the individual representatives of various peoples and rites. Cusanus has the spokespeople of various rites articulate their concerns, which are naturally of theological importance but are also proffered with existential urgency. I propose therefore to give this text an anthropological interpretation. If the multitude of religions among the multitude of peoples manifests God's will, then also the individuality of the speakers of peoples does so. And so it turns out that peacefulness of faith does not consist in that postulated unity – which, of course, would be a Catholic one – but in the intent of the individuals to uphold their faith and peace at the same time. Peaceableness, then, must be an anthropological datum that is not restricted by history, by geography, or by creed.
As a philosopher and theologian Nicholas of Cusa is known to present complex interrelations in all their complication and thus to challenge his readership with high levels of abstraction. Traditionally, this results in a competition of his interpreters to outperform the complication and each other by dint of negative theology, epistemology, and transcendentalism. As meritorious and fruitful that may be, frequently it is overlooked that Cusanus equally acted as a practical philosopher and spiritual guide.[2] His many sermons testify for that. Although one can entertain some doubt about how much his listeners might have understood his mathematical arguments, for instance, at any rate the tone of his texts is that of persuasion, exhortation, and above all reconnecting ultimate theological truth with the perspective of human religiosity. For this reason I want to discuss his famous treatise On Peace of Religion as a document of Cusanus's anthropology. For the sake of heuristics I surmise that the various speakers in this text do not just put forward some theological arguments but that the author intentionally assigns them their questions and objections as representatives of humanity. My question to the book is: what is the concept of humanity conveyed by Cusanus? Let me start with an overview of the dialogues before I investigate a few details.
The discourse in heaven
Unmistakably the text opens with recalling the event of Constantinople 1453:
There was a certain man who, having formerly seen the sites in the regions of Constantinople, was inflamed with zeal for God as a result of those deeds that were reported to have been perpetrated at Constantinople most recently and most cruelly by the King of the Turks. Consequently, with many groanings he beseeched the Creator of all, because of His kindness, to restrain the persecution that was raging more fiercely than usual (plus solito) on account of the difference of rite between the religions.[3]
The most striking feature of this opening is that the author is factually speaking in first person as an eyewitness that claims to have "seen the sites in the regions". The first person perspective, since it is theologically quite irrelevant, can only serve to open a treatise if the personal involvement is part of the argument. God is introduced here as the one who can be moved by prayers and groanings to have mitigating influence, while it is not even hoped that all religious strife could come to an end but only what exceeds the ordinary. This is an important motive that needs to be pondered. For now we need to go on with the overview of the topics in anthropological perspective.
Cusanus has an Archangel speak first and responded to by God himself; freedom of will is their topic (chapter 2). Now the Son, the Word, takes the floor speaking about human nature and freedom (chapter 3). As the first human speaker a Greek comes forward – and we may remember that Cusanus knew some Greeks personally, since he accompanied them on their travel by ship from Constantinople to Venice on their way to the Council of Ferrara and Florence (1438), an experience that had inspired him to his most famous book, The Learned Ignorance. The Greek (chapter 4) talks about the urge of nations to defending their interests with blood. The Italian (Italus) underscores the diversity of languages (chapter 5); thereafter the Arab speaks about love (chapter 6), including the love of wisdom, claiming that religion is a means of survival. Whereas the Indian refers to images and idols, the Chaldean opens the discussion about unity and multiplicity (chapters 7-8). The Jew relates the topic of fertility to that of plurality, while the Scythian returns back to sexuality and love (chapters 9-10). The Gaul is in charge of reminding of Parisian theology, scholasticism, which prompts The Word to call on St. Peter. This appears to be the moment of strict Scholastic debate and, indeed, the Persian raises a question of the relation between creation and creator, which then unfolds in an extended explanation of Christology (chapter 11-12). This again is a point which needs to be dwelt upon since we know that Christology for Cusanus is enhanced anthropology.
Even the role of the prophets is embedded in Christology. It is obviously a welcome occasion for the Syrian (chapter 13) to bring up the question of mortality, which is dealt with within the parameters of desire and hope (desiderium, spes). Now the Spaniard has to connect that question with virginity, and the interlocutors agree that fertility and virginity are the two possible states of a human being. The Turk – notably representing that people that has brought so much suffering to Constantinople – asks Peter about the crucifixion, thus prompting a discussion about obedience, cowardice, freedom, and mortality (chapter 14). The German is interested in happiness (felicitas), so that Peter instructs the audience that the Jews believe that the eternal life cannot be gained through works ( because that is not what is promised in the Law) but through faith alone, which understandably presupposes the existence of Christ (chapter 15). The Tartar motivates Paul, who now enters the scene (chapter 16), to elaborate on the relationship between works, belief, and justification: "But faith has to be formed; for without works it is dead."[4] In Aquinas' theology, fides formata is distinguished through its enhancement by charity.[5] Here Cusanus gives it a new meaning that may flow out of charity, namely the intent to peacefully worship God. This thread of the conversation heads towards the concluding postulate that sometimes a majority has to conform to a minority – for the sake of peace (chapter 16). Consequently the Armenian wants to know more about baptism and the Bohemian about the Eucharist, both understood as rituals that might be questioned (chapters 17-18). Through his spokesman Paul, Cusanus asserts that faith has priority over ritual. To a member of that nation that had harbored the utraquist movement the message sounds: "For believing—and thereby eating of the food of life—suffices for salvation."[6]
Eventually an Englishman suggests discussing the rules of marriage (as though he would prophetically anticipate the affair of Henry VIII) and other sacraments. St. Paul cuts that short by observing and thus concluding the entire survey of religious differences: "Where conformity of mode cannot be had, nations are entitled to their own devotions and ceremonies, provided faith and peace be maintained."[7] Salva fide et pace holding faith and peace together captures the whole tension and its overcoming. The solution lies in accepting human limitations. Paul's first response to the question of sacraments had been theologically even more provocative: "It is necessary to make great allowances for the weakness of men ... For to seek exact conformity in all respects is rather to disturb the peace." Cusanus rounds his vision off with the famous theory of presupposition, which holds that the accord of all religions is guaranteed in the heaven of reason (in coelo rationis) so that all participants of the discussion accompanied by Angels may go out, proclaim, and realize it all over the world. However, as a final caveat, we are admonished that the Prince of Darkness prevents believers from insight into that harmony.
The human need for revelation
As already stated the text begins with an affirmation of personal concernment ("There was a certain man…"), which in spite of being said in third person doubtlessly refers to the author Cusanus himself. The remainder of the text is the fictional vision of a gathering of experienced sages who debate about the question, whether it might be "practically possible to reach a concord and by this to achieve in religion eternal peace with both effective and honorable means".[8] The entire scenery and the accumulation of qualifying conditionals (possible, doable, effective, honorable) is that of personal experience and human condition.
A brief look into another work of Cusanus that deals with a competing religion, A Scrutiny of the Koran (Cribratio Alkorani) confirms that Cusanus is deliberately staging, for in this book persons including the author himself don't play any role but only the doctrines and the theological sources.
The conventional means of describing a vision are present; it is described as being "caught up to an intellectual height" (intellectualem altitudinem) and Godfather is described not as anything abstract but as the "King of heaven and earth". He condescends to receiving "from the kingdom of this world sorrowing messengers" who report about "the moanings of the oppressed" (p. 633). Cusanus's vision immediately returns down to his earthly reality. On the other hand he faces the narrative problem to make plausible that the ambassadors in heaven may be heard. Therefore he explains that they do not act like humans but, rather, like intellectual virtues.[9] His literary ploys underline that he is not exploring some lofty realm but the condition of humans on earth.
The human perspective explains also why one of the representatives from Earth, some Prince, opens the dialogue with a definition of man: "O Lord, King of the universe, what does any creature have that You did not give to it? It was fitting that the human body, formed from the clay of the earth, was inbreathed by You with a rational spirit, so that from within this body an image of Your ineffable power would shine forth."[10] Although it sounds like a Christian commonplace, emphasis is laid on the createdness and the internal divine power, which both combine to make up the human being as such. Being internally divine and being dependent could weaken the concept of human being and at the same time empower humanity as a dialectical unity. In other words, whatever human beings do, they achieve it thanks to that very internal power which is divine and nevertheless only given but, again, given from God.
This is the moment of finger-pointing: God is responsible for the plurality of religions. From plurality stems diversity. Add to that the fact that the majority of human beings can afford neither leisure nor time to make use of their free will and to cognize themselves. Consequently – between all their toil and labor – they simply lack opportunity and potential to seek after "the hidden God".[11] Kings and prophets, such continues the narrative, were put in charge of the instruction of simple people. That again backfired because people took the doctrines much too literally, a factor that reveals the true human condition (humana terrena conditio), namely, "that longstanding custom, which is regarded as having passed over into nature, is defended as the truth. In this way there arise great quarrels when each community prefers its own faith to another."[12]
If this were a theological tractatus the latter statement would be pure blasphemy. For God is blamed of having created a plurality of human beings, having failed at repairing that, and for the human nature to be bond to fanaticism or, at least, sectarianism. The fanaticism, as just described, is some form of competition or, to use René Girard's terminology: mimesis, a mimetic circle. "For the sake of You, the only one they worship in whatever they adore, exists all this competition (aemulatio)."[13] The Good, Truth, Life, and generally Being, those are the real objects of religious strife; for seemingly different interests converge in the object of aspiration. Only conscious return and awareness of the true object will be able to break the circle of violence. Such competition is also nurtured by ignorance, namely, revelation gone wrong, which God is asked to mend:
Therefore, do not hide (occultare) Yourself any longer, O Lord. Be propitious, and manifest Your face; and all peoples will be saved, who no longer will be able to desert the Source of life and its sweetness, once having foretasted even a little thereof. For no one departs from You except because He is ignorant of You. If You will deign to do the foregoing, the sword will cease, as will also the malice of hatred and all evils; and all will know that there is only one religion in a variety of rites.[14]
Here we have the famous formula: one religion in a variety of rites, which is frequently quoted when Cusanus' contribution to religious tolerance is discussed. It sounds quite comforting. Who would deny that, of course, in a plethora of rites there is just one religion, whatever that may be? The contingency is that God himself has to redo his revelation. Salvation depends on God's showing himself once again, or for the first time. War is ignorance, yes, but ignorance can only be healed by the Source of life Himself, none other. Then and only then insight in the true nature of religion is possible. And what is the true nature of religion? It helps reading attentively, for Cusanus is not at all comforting us, he is challenging his Western readership. The uniformity of religion is not a fact, it is something that needs to be learned ("all will know"). Cusanus is not advertising a religious melting pot, he is giving a philosophical-theological definition of religion: "there is no single religion, except in a variety of rituals". Modern Christians in a diversified world tend to assure themselves that in some way 'we all pray to the same God'. To that Cusanus would say that this 'one God' is only accessible in the rivalry of religions. He explicitly speaks about the human condition, which is to stick to a truth fanatically once it has been found; and this is God's will. Only a God can salvage humanity by manifesting Himself in a way that He can be recognized; and once He is recognized, it will also be manifest that fanatical rivalry is the very human condition, which is accompanied by the paradox of knowing God and being religious at the same time, from where strife originates. Hence follows that competition as such, since it is god-given, cannot be the object of fanaticism. Religious struggles are derailed from their true object – recognition and veneration of God – to the struggle for the struggles' sake. The mimetic circle has been set in motion by God, therefore only God can break it by showing that emulation and contest are not aimed at fellow-humans but at God, and therefore competing peoples cannot be competitors except as concurrent lovers of God.
Multiplicity
In chapter 2 God illustrates the situation of humans: due to free will man is capable of societal life, but at the same time man is torn between his animalistic and intellectual components. After the prophets had unsuccessfully tried to call humanity back on the right path, intellectuality, The Word, had to take on human nature. It was intended as a lesson and a model to impart on human beings that specifically free will endows human nature with the capacity to receive immortality. At this point The Word remarks that the variability of opinions is equally entailed in free will.[15] Plurality of opinions is a creation of God, from which we may deduce that freedom of will is not restricted to the capability to sin (as Luther would have it). Plurality is the epitome of human creativity that as much as any undirected potential can go wrong, even if without arbitrary meanness. Otherwise it would be inexplicable why the same freedom is the basis of human sociability.
The Greek speaker thinks that unity of religion is hard to communicate because it is natural to any nation to reject foreign beliefs and to defend their own faith even with their blood. To this Verbum responds with an excursus on unity, plurality, and wisdom in Greek thought. That is to say speculation, philosophical wisdom, enables peoples to tolerate the coexistence of other creeds without taking up arms. The poor inhabitants of Byzantium had been spared a lot of suffering if they had been given time to understand that the Turks were not bringing any other faith, but exactly the same. We could conclude from that mental experiment that the conquering of Constantinople was not at all a religious war, and that also the Council of Florence, that failed to convince both parties that the wording of both creeds expressed the same thing, had not miscarried for religious quandaries but, rather, for reasons of power politics. Cusanus, familiar with Church politics, keeps silent, here.
The Italian observes that Greek wisdom relies on diversity of linguistic expression. Although the wisdom of the Creator included language, differences in wording cannot be overheard. Looking back at the theory of presupposition it appears that multiplicity presupposes logically and factually unity, nevertheless multifacetedness turns out to be denied as long as it is not accepted and appreciated as the many faces of wisdom. Universal wisdom is in charge to make order out of chaos without annihilating its individual components. Unity is not coercive but permissive.
Taking up the thread of the common love for wisdom the Arab speaks about polytheism. He concurs that the so-called gods are nothing but manifestations of the one God; however, he finds it hard to accept the cult of many gods, because those people who believe in gods expect advice and help from them and are therefore resilient to forswear them. As can be expected The Word reminds the audience that salvation is only in the Creator. It is worth noting that Cusanus shows familiarity with the anxiety that is expressed in the belief in oracles. On a global level, Cusanus points out that there is competition among the peoples that is reflected in the competition of foreign gods and that anxiety for cultural survival is expressed in idolatry. Both aspects taken together invoke again the mimetic circle and its potential overcoming, when fear and hope are redirected according to the true aim.
The conversation with the Indian plays out the various ways of deceit through idolatry and transfers them gradually towards the concept of Trinity. Trinity, in the conversation with the Chaldean, is discussed as the paradigm of a challenge to human understanding. In appreciating and taking up that challenge, The Word refers the Trinitarian structure to the essence of being human. Again, Cusanus gives his argument an anthropological turn. Traditionally Trinity is the interaction of oneness, equality, and connection (nexus). That is present also in being human: "Therefore, when a man is summoned by Omnipotence from out of notbeing, there first of all arises (oritur) a oneness, then an equality, and then the union of both." (p. 644). The rise of man must be accompanied by awareness, if Cusanus' argument shall be effective. Therefore man perceives himself as one (unus), that is, as the first accessible unity, which includes equality and linkage. Self-reference is the experience of reflected oneness that does not fall apart. The philosophical theology of the triune God that antecedes revelation in Scripture is based on an anthropological fact that every human being can acknowledge without further instruction. Actually, "every created being conveys the image of creative power".[16] After further discussion about this topic with the Jew and the Scythian, Peter explains Christology to the Persian.
Christology as anthropology
The power and weakness of Christology is a matter of perspective. If one emphasizes the human nature of Christ, then everything is seen under this human prejudice that eclipses the divine nature. Tautological as it may appear it explains the difficulties with Christ from the human point of view. Therefore Cusanus suggests taking Christ to be the greatest of all prophets, which entails the role as speaker of the word. Since a Prophet is defined as the bearer of the word of God without being the original author, his role is that of the visible manifestation of the word of God, which is close to the theology of God incarnate.[17] The prophet's word is not his own; rather, the prophet is defined by the word of God. All what makes a prophet a prophet is divine. Therefore, the relationship between man and God can be presented as a case of concomitance if not inherence: "… in Christ the human nature is united to the Word, or to the divine nature, in such way that the human does not pass over into the divine. Rather, it adheres to the divine nature so indissolubly that it is not separately personified in itself but is personified in the divine, in order that, having been called to become a successor to an eternal life with the divine, [human nature itself] would be able to obtain immortality in the divine."[18] Of course, the word "adhere" should not mislead to thinking that humanity is sticking to the divine; it is embedded in it, as the final clause emphasizes. Christ's human nature subsists as a person in his divine nature, thus making the nature of all human beings immortal. As prophecy is entailed in the Word of God, humanity is entailed in divinity.
The question of immortality is of interest to the Syrian. Once more we immediately detect the humane, if not existential basis of religion and its plurality: "For all men have the desire and the hope only for eternal life in their own human nature …" (p. 656). What makes the talk about incarnation ambiguous, the earthly perspective of the double nature of Christ, is a theological way to detect the transcendent, namely, to acknowledge that a desire to transcend the human nature is built in that very nature. The hope for an afterlife opens a glimpse into that same afterlife. However, it is prefigured or imagined within the human framework. Therefore St. Peter explains that most peoples "have instituted ceremonial purifications for their souls, as well as holy practices, in order that they may become better fitted in nature for that eternal life." (p. 656) Religious folk life as can be described in terms of ethnology is the outer expression of the inborn desire (ex desiderio connato)[19] for transcendence, immortality, and can therefore be interpreted in both directions: as the individuality of a specific culture and as the universality of a thought.
As already initially mentioned, the virginity of the Mother of God is explained as part of the human world, which allows for two possible states, chastity and fertility. In Saint Mary these mutually exclusive states are miraculously combined: "Consequently, the Highest (altissimus) is conceived in the womb of a virgin by the divine power; and in the virgin the highest fecundity was present together with the virginity. Hence, Christ was born unto us in such way that He is very closely united to all men."[20] The mystery of incarnation is explained in traditional theological concepts but Cusanus directs our view from the lofty speculation to the human benefit.
The same is true when the discussion moves over from birth to dying. The theological mystery of Christ's death lies in its historical reality, which tends to be distorted by the good intentions of human interpreters: "As for their denying that He was crucified by the Jews, they seem to do so out of reverence for Christ—on the supposed ground that such men could not have had any power over Christ." (p. 657) Instead of chastising the "ignorance" of the critics, Cusanus explains that Christ even anticipated such misunderstandings: "But note how the historical accounts … ought assuredly to be believed: … Christ came, as one sent by God the Father, to proclaim the Kingdom of Heaven (evangelizaret); and regarding that Kingdom He made claims which were able to be proved by Him in no better way than by means of the witness of His own blood."[21] The hermeneutic principle of understanding the biblical story consists in the purpose of the event that is being told, the spread of the gospel. And the assurance of its truth lies in Christ's "own blood", that is, in the factual reality of the divine message. It is a statement of philosophy of history that the mystery of Christ's death is rooted in the need for concreteness that attests theological truth. Instead of theory explaining facts, reality evidences theory. Obviously martyrdom always follows the same pattern. A pious and also realistic observation.
Christology, as I said at the beginning, is enhanced anthropology: Christ "preached the Kingdom of Heaven, proclaiming that man could attain unto it, being capable of receiving it (illius regni capax)." (p. 658) The incarnate God is the tangible argument to prove the mystery that man can transcend humanity (in biblical language: attain the Kingdom of Heaven), while the internal capacity (regni capax) is the natural foundation of that transcendence. Christ as a sensible testimony dispels ignorance, guarantees salvation, and resolves anxiety and cowardice. The stories of the death of Christ and of the martyrs are stories of consolation in so far as they confirm, rather than deflect from the reality that human beings live in an empire of death:
For the mortal[22] must divest itself of its mortality, i.e., of its capability of dying; and this comes about only by means of death. Thereafter the mortal can put on immortality. Now, if the mortal man Christ has not yet died, then He has not yet divested Himself of mortality; and so, He has not yet entered into the Kingdom of Heaven, wherein no mortal can be present. Therefore, if He who is the first fruits, and the first born, of all men has not disclosed the Kingdom of Heaven, then the human nature that is united to God has not yet been led into the Kingdom. (p. 659)
Immortality is attainable for human beings because God is the first born man. Therefore we may conclude that humans are divine because God is human. This insight must necessarily have an impact on Cusanus's view of religious diversity.
From the heaven back to work
Therefore let us skip the further discussions in the text about beatitude, justification through works, sacraments, etc., although they all had very important repercussions in the anthropology of the Protestant Reformation. I rather want to stress Cusanus's mode of thought according to which all manifestations of religiosity, including skeptic doubts, have their pivotal point in the human perspective, which Cusanus never tires to confirm and justify. The essentially human attitude toward the visible signs of religion, such as rituals, prayers, but also doctrines and dogmas, yields an image of man as constantly reflecting upon the human condition and working on its foundation and overcoming.
As is well known the entire debate culminates in a peculiar heaven of reason (coelum rationis).
Therefore, in the heaven of reason (in coelo rationis) a harmony among the religions (concordia religionum) was reached, in the aforeshown manner. And the King of kings commanded that the wise men return and lead their nations unto a oneness of true worship and that administering spirits guide and assist them. Moreover, thereafter, having full power for all, assemble in Jerusalem, as being a common center, and in the names of all accept a single faith and establish a perpetual peace with respect thereto, so that the Creator of all, who is blessed forever, may be praised in peace.[23]
This is a powerful conclusion; therefore I regret that I still have to add a few remarks. It must be stressed that the conclusion teaches that God can be praised only in peace. On the other hand we have seen that fanaticism is part and parcel of being human. Therefore such peace can only be reached by way of approximation so that the oneness of religion must be based on hypothetical unity to be cherished in diversity. Note that before these speakers can gather in Jerusalem to sign a religious peace accord, they have to return to their home countries and do some PR work, supported by angelic consultants. Then, perhaps, God might be able to contain struggles and wars. Cusanus's theory of presupposition that suggests religious unity as the backdrop of confessional dispute is highly speculative in terms of philosophical theology; but it is also extremely practical as it appeals to all peoples to work for peace against all appearances because that is the only realistic means to attain peace.


[1] The latest and most comprehensive study is Markus Riedenauer: Pluralität und Rationalität: Die Herausforderung der Vernunft durch religiöse und kulturelle Vielfalt nach Nikolaus Cusanus, Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2007 (with ample bibliography). See also Paul Richard Blum: Philosophieren in der Renaissance, Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2004, chapter 9.2.
[2] For both aspects, the spreculative and the practical, see Kurt Flasch: Nikolaus von Kues. Geschichte einer Entwicklung, Frankfurt: Klostermann, 1998, chapter IV. The specifically human perspective is also duly acknowledged in Inigo Bocken: De waarheid der gewoonte: De spanning tussen veritas en consuetudo als ruimte voor pluralism in het denken van Nicolaus Cusanus, in: Bjdragen. International Journal in Philosophy and Theology 63 (2002) 417-431.
[3] Nicholas of Cusa, On Peaceful Unity of Faith, transl. Jasper Hopkins, Minneapolis: Banning Press, 1994, p. 633 (abailable online: http://cla.umn.edu/sites/jhopkins/DePace12-2000.pdf). When using this translation I take the liberty and omit explanatory additions of the translator. Page numbers without further specification refer to this text. – I will quote the critical Latin edition only for emphasis or clarification: Nicolai de Cusa Opera Omnia: Vol. VII: De Pace Fidei. Edited by Ramond Klibansky and Hildebrand Bascour. Hamburg: Felix Meiner Verlag, 1970.
[4] P. 664. De pace, § 58, p. 58 f: "Oportet autem quod fides sit formata; nam sine operibus est mortua." Cf. Jacobus 2:17 and 26.
[5] Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae, IIª-IIae q. 4 a. 4 c, and q. 19 a. 5 ad 1; whereas in q. 4. a. 9 ad 3 ecclesiastical doctrine seems to provide "formation". Also in Cusanus's De docta ignorantia III 6, faith is said to be formed by charity.
[6] Ibid. p. 668. De Pace § 66, p. 60 f.: "Hoc sacramentum … non est sic necessarium, quod sine eo non sit salus, nam sufficit ad salutem credere, et sic manducare cibum vitae." Bohemian Hussitism and utraquism (Holy Communion with bread and wine) were debated at the Council of Basel where Cusanus had been active.
[7] Ibid. chapter 19, p. 669.
[8] De pace § 1, p. 4: "unam posse facilem quandam concordantiam reperiri ac per eam in religione perpetuam pacem convenienti ac veraci medio constitui." (My translation.) "Facilis" cannot mean "easy" or – as Hopkins translates – "readily-available"; Cusanus must have had the etymology in mind: "doable". "Verax" does not refer to objective truth, but to truthfulness as opposed to cunning or deceit.
[9] It may be observed that Giordano Bruno in 1584 will exploit this paradox in his dialogue Spaccio de la bestia trionfante; he has stars and deities transformed into abstract virtues.
[10] Trans. Hopkins, p. 634.
[11] Ibid. p. 634. Cusanus wrote a work by the title "The Hidden God" (De Deo abscondito).
[12] Ibid. De pace § 4, p. 6.
[13] De pace § 5, p. 6: "Propter te enim, quem solum venerantur in omni eo quod cuncti adorare videntur, est haec aemulatio." (My translation.)
[14] Trans. Hopkins p. 635. De pace § 6, p. 7: " … non est nisi religio una in rituum varietate."
[15] De pace § 7, p. 9: "[Verbum] humanam induit naturam, ut quilibet homo secundum electionem liberi arbitrii in sua natura, in homine illo qui et Verbum, immortale veritatis pabulum se assqui posse non dubitaret."
[16] Transl. Hopkins, p. 646. De pace § 24, p. 25: "sic res omnis creata gerit ymaginem virtutis creativae".
[17] De pace § 32, p. 33: The Persian is speaking: "Sed omnium prophetarum maximus Christus …"
[18] Transl. Hopkins, p. 651 f. De pace § 35, p. 35: " … in Christo sic tenendum est naturam humanam unitam Verbo seu naturae divinae, ita quod humana non transit in divinam, sed adhaeret sic indissolubiliter eidem, ut non separatim in se sed in divina personetur; ad finem quod ipsa humana natura, vocata ad successionem aeternae vitae cum divina, in ipsa divina immortalitatem assequi possit." I substituted the phrase in brackets for "it" in the translation, because the arguments shifts, dramatically, from Christ's human nature to the nature of human beings.
[19] De pace § 45, p. 42.
[20] Ibid. p. 657. I replaced "loftiest [man]" with "Highest".
[21] Ibid. p. 657 f. I changed "note that" to "note how" (quomodo).
[22] The human being, of course.
[23] Ibid. p. 669 f. I replaced "loftiest domain" with "heaven".

Sunday, January 28, 2007

Ficino's Praise of Georgios Gemistos Plethon

Paul Richard Blum

Et nuper Plethon – Ficino's Praise of Georgios Gemistos Plethon and His Rational Religion

Draft
For the published version see: 
Laus Platonici Philosophi
Marsilio Ficino and his Influence

Edited by
Stephen Clucas
Peter J. Forshaw
Valery Rees
Brill: Leiden and Boston
2011
Most authors who refer to Marsilio Ficino's famous Prooemium to his translation of Plotinus' works, addressed to Lorenzo de'Medici, discuss the alleged foundation of the Platonic Academy in Florence, but rarely continue reading down the same page, where – for a second time – Georgios Gemistos Plethon is mentioned. The passage reads as follows:
Nowadays, few have interpreted his [sc. Aristotle's] thought – apart from our complatonicus Pico – with the same faithfulness (pietate) as once did Theophrastus and Themistius, Porphyrius, Simplicius, Avicenna, and recently Plethon.[1]
This statement contains more than one surprising claim:
- Plethon is a reliable interpreter of Aristotle.
- Plethon and Pico are the most recent Aristotelians; more precisely, they are the latest candle-bearers of true Aristotelian tradition.
- Plethon, along with the other authors mentioned, is religiously orthodox.
The three claims are surprising because they are outright wrong. So the question is: Whom or what is Ficino praising in eulogizing Plethon? I propose to examine the three statements in reverse order.
I.
Plethon's religious orthodoxy is suggested by the fact that the sentence quoted was copied and pasted by Ficino into the Plotinus preface from his letter to Johannes Pannonius (de Varadino[2]) of 1484/85. Then and later, Ficino chastised the Alexandrist and Averroist schools for destroying religion at large, negating divine providence, and for misrepresenting Aristotle anyway. Consequently, these good Aristotelians succor true religion. Because, as Ficino continues, "whoever thinks that an impiety so widely diffused … can be vanquished by mere simple preaching of faith will be immediately and manifestly proved wrong and terribly mistaken. For this task requires much greater power. It entails … at least that philosophers, after they have listened gladly to a philosophic religion at some point will be persuaded by it."[3] No doubt Ficino suggests that Pico and Plethon are representatives of such "philosophic religion" that eventually might convert – but convert to what? Well, to the same piety that unites Pico, Plethon, and the Platonizing interpreters of Aristotle.
Plethon qualifies as an Aristotelian for having criticized Aristotle, and Averroes and Alexander on matters of philosophic theology in his famous treatise De differentiis (i.e. On where Aristotle is at variance with Plato). Specifically he suggested that Aristotle's concept of the Prime Mover was located in one celestial sphere among others, which would contradict a divinity that transcends all finite beings.[4] Plethon maintained, in matters of nature, that Aristotle was too much influenced by Anaxagoras, a philosopher who seemed to advocate some logos beyond all things, but ultimately tended to atheism. Aristotle had the same tendency: talking about various divinities, but eventually fostering atheism. [5] Plethon concluded his pamphlet with an extended refutation of Aristotle's refutation of the Platonic theory of Forms/Ideas, which all comes down to the fact that Aristotle missed the most important doctrine because he denied the creation of eternal substances and the wellspring of all things in one source of being. On the other side are Plato and the Platonists, who understand God as "the universal sovereign over all existing things, and assume him to be the originator of originators, the creator of creators, and refer everything without exception to him".[6]
This all sounds pretty orthodox, and we would be happy to incorporate Plethon in the Patrologia Graeca (as Migne actually did), had not Plethon started his defense of Plato and attack on Aristotle by saying: "Our, both the Greeks' and the Romans', ancestors esteemed Plato much more highly than Aristotle." [7] The message of this exordium is not that some distant people preferred Plato, but that we all, Greek and Romans alike, should do so, because our common ancestors did it. As is well known, Plethon wrote this pamphlet during the Council of Florence in 1439 and the Greek and Romans were not the ancients but the audience present: Eastern and Western scholars. Behind this captivating address stands Plethon's agenda of restoring ancient pagan wisdom in order not to enhance Christianity, east or west, but to supplant it. This casts a twilight on Ficino's protest against unreligious Aristotelianism and his call for a "religion that pleases philosophers", i.e. a "religionis genus" fostered by divine providence, when he employs Plethon as his ally. I am not intending to prove Plethon's heterodoxy here because it is well known, even to Ficino himself, as Monfasani has shown from the marginalia to De fato, [8] but I want to take up the motive of ancestry because this leads us to the second claim in Ficino's remark about Plethon.
In his Nomon syggraphe, which obviously drew upon the book of "Nomoi" by Plato, Plethon invoked a pageant of pagan sages and legislators – mythical and real alike – that connected Zoroaster with Plato, Plutarch, Plotinus, Porphyry, and Jamblichus.[9] In doing this he certainly bestowed a classic formula and apparent logic on a form of thought, effective in humanism ever since Francesco Petrarch and Coluccio Salutati, namely that of a consistent and continuous genealogy of wisdom, the spell of which binds all well thinking men up to and including the present speaker, known as prisca theologia. As for Plethon, his basic creed draws its legitimacy from eternal (aei) succession of divine men.[10] Ficino's device to counter corrupt Aristotelianism is exactly to create a counter-tradition that parallels Platonism, namely the pious reading of Aristotle in a genealogy that runs from Theophrastus through "nuper Plethon" to Giovanni Pico. For this argument to be valid, one should demonstrate
- that Pico and Plethon deliberately followed Theophrastus, Themistius, Porphyrius, Simplicius, and Avicenna
- that these in point of fact form something like a prisca philosophia peripatetica, and
- that these can be seen as serious defenders of a religious philosophy.
If we say, well, Ficino used a makeshift genealogy for the sake of argument and rhetoric, his argument collapses. And at any rate, the question arises: What genus of religion are these authors apt to defend?
Now, there is no evidence that Ficino ever read the full Nomoi, except for its part, De fato, nevertheless a look at Plethon's philosophy of religion is revealing. There, Gemistos discussed the basic tenets of what he suggested to be a theology that may have political and moral meaning.[11] In a move that tastes of humanism, the book starts with stating that a variety of opinions haunts humanity as to what are the most important issues in life. No doubt, beatitude is what all men are seeking, but the means and meaning of it seem to be controversial: pleasure, wealth, glory, and virtue are the favorites. Of course we recognize a plethora of ethical treatises which are repeated with this assessment, and once for all, I will take no pride in mentioning Gemistos' sources. The consequence Gemistos draws from this diversity is notable: we need to know the nature of man, and in order to do this, we need to study the nature of things, which leads directly to the nature of the Divine.[12] After this initial chapter follows a chapter on the major authorities in theological matters, which are a key to Plethon's lasting influence and, perhaps, his intentions and shall be discussed more extensively later. After a refusal of skepticism the main treatment of the subject initiates with a prayer:
Come to us, O gods of learning, whoever and however many ye be; ye who are guardians of scientific knowledge and true belief; ye who distribute them to whomsoever you wish, in accordance with the dictates of the great father of all things, Zeus the King. For without you we should not be able to complete so great a task. But do you be our leader in our reasonings, and grant that this book may have all success, to be set as a possession for ever before those of mankind who wish to pass their lives, both in private and in public, established in the best noble fashion.[13]
This is quite remarkable a confession of a philosopher: his gods are the gods of learning, theoi logioi. Logios can have the meaning of: logical, reason-guided, erudite and eloquent, or oracular. The choice is ours. However, Plethon is evidently praying to those who control both science and opinion (episteme and doxa) that they may guide the rational discourse of this book, which is, by its title, a syggraphe, a covenant of general Law.
Chapter I 5 informs the reader about the general dogmas (dogmata, nomoi) of Plethon's theology:
- The Gods are more blessed than men.
- They provide (pronoein) for any good and no evil.
- There is a plurality of Gods that admits for degrees.
- Zeus is the highest and mightiest of the Gods.
- He is unbegotten (agenetos) and self-engendered (autopatros).
- Poseidon is his first son and head of all other Gods.
- There is a hierarchy among the lower gods, manifest in the importance of their actions.
- There is even bisection among the Gods, those who stem from Zeus, and illegitimate ones; the former living on Olympus, the latter dwelling as Titans in Tartarus.
- The Gods of Olympus and of Tartarus form a grand and holy One.
- On the lowest level there are demons that operate on earth.
- Nevertheless all of the Gods are outside of time and space.
- They are begotten (genetoi) from the one cause of all, and in duration without beginning and end.
- In Zeus, essence and existence (ousia, praxis) are identical.
If this system were found in some middle Platonic fragment, we would be tempted to relate it to Plato, Plotinus, Proklos and similar sources, together with ancient Greek theogonies. But Plethon wrote this around the year 1400 or in the first half of the 15th century. We also recognize Peripatetic, if not scholastic, rationality, such as the identification of essence and existence, and the differentiation of time and duration, not to speak of the intricacies of the unbegottenness of the Father and the generation of a preferred Son of God.
As is well known, Plethon's Nomoi was in part destroyed posthumously by his friend and former student, Georgios Gennadios Scholarios, now Patriarch of Byzantium, who believed the whole theology to be a reinstating of ancient polytheism. But Scholarios was also one of the Byzantine scholars who introduced scholastic philosophy into the Greek world: in 1435/36 he had translated Petrus Hispanus' Logic.[14] As Arnold Toynbee convincingly argued, Plethon's work marks an interesting option within the tribulations of the Byzantine Church, which was about to dissipate between the millstones of the pressing Ottoman empire and the Roman Church. It seems Plethon suggested to save Greek identity by restoring the ancient, unique Greek culture. Scholarios' solution was, as actually happened, to preserve the Eastern Orthodox Church at the mercy of the Turks, and, indeed, he had been appointed Patriarch of Constantinople, after 1453, by Mehmet the Conquerer. Kardinal Bessarion, another student of Plethon's, opted for the Roman Church, in which he made his career as a Cardinal.[15]
But this scenario leaves open the question of whether or not Gemistos Plethon actually believed what he was teaching. This question had been raised by Scholarios himself. Bessarion, in a letter of condolence, did not hesitate to assume that Plethon would "join the Olympian gods" and – supposing the Pythogorean doctrine was acceptable – that Plato's soul had been reborn in Plethon.[16] If we take Bessarion's witness as an indication that Gemistos' Nomoi were to be taken metaphorically we may absolve him easily of heresy, against Scholarios' rage. Still, one has to ask: what is the purpose of such metaphors? From the perspective of Greek national identity, Bessarion would take sides with the sage of Mistra, and conveniently so, since his letter was addressed to the defunct's sons. On the other hand, if we believe that in the eyes of the Roman Cardinal there was nothing wrong with Olympic gods, then he must have reconciled such parlance with Roman Christian dogmatics. The humanist Janus Pannonius, for example, had no qualms to see Plato reincarnated in Marsilio Ficino, as confirmed by Pythagoras.[17] This interpretation leaves us with the task to understand Gemistos's intentions when he incorporated recognizable Christian theology in a theogony of pre-Christian outlook.
I am not giving into the temptation to compare Plethon's or Bessarion's words with Marsilio Ficino, who also never hesitated to refer to Greek mythology in order to promote his Platonizing theology, because Ficino might have depended on Gemistos' inspiration, and referring to Ficino would be begging the question. Rather, I hope that a clearer understanding of Plethon might afford a key to understanding Ficino and other Renaissance Platonists of the West.
Three things should be addressed, here. First, Plethon's theogony, in drawing upon Greek gods, is only remotely in concordance with ancient mythology as known from Homer and the other sources. Second, it appears to be a treatise that can be labeled as systematic, not much different from Christian scholasticism. And third, it is presented not as a quaestio, nor as an apology or as an exhortation, but clearly as a work of instruction, as an outline of social, political, and moral order, as Laws.
If Gemistos had intended to spread belief in the Ancient Olympic deities, he might have set to work like a 19th or 20th century classicist by harmonizing and ordering the ancient upper- and underworld, and he would have tried to make his readers believe that Zeus had quite a powerful command over the affairs of this world, etc. Let us just recall the legend that Wolfgang Schadewaldt used to pray to the Greek Gods, or the fact that Werner Jaeger sincerely hoped to restore ancient "Paideia" in Weimar Germany. The Byzantine sage also probably should have established a system of virtues, identified with any of these deities, like Giordano Bruno would do in his Spaccio de la bestia trionfante. Plethon's work would have been to some extent a restoration and Renaissance of Ancient creed, but since he only picked part of the mythologies of the Ancients and rearranged them around a theological system that cares much about systematic issues like the ontological status of the gods, he effectively closed the door to the historical past by pretending to reopen it. In the same way as it can be argued that Petrarch rediscovered antiquity when he was writing personal letters to ancient authorities like Cicero and Livy, but that he – at the same time – created the awareness that they were really past, in the same way we have to acknowledge that Gemistos' message to any learned reader of his Nomoi must have been that they were done with the ancients and should brace for a new religion, contrived from the spoils of the Greeks. The question is: what kind of religion? This becomes clear by a subordinate question to the puzzlement over his mythology, namely the authorities he evokes for his work.
As already mentioned, the variety of understanding of the meaning of life was the initial question that opened the Nomoi. This lead to the question: which were the best possible guides in the quest for the divine? In chapter 2 of book 1, Plethon dismisses the poets and the sophists: the poets aim at pleasing their readers, while the sophists don't care about truth but strive to elevate themselves above the humans. "Both drag the divine down to the more human level and elevate the human to the more divine level according to the human measure." Better than any man, the legislators (nomothetoi) and philosophers are able to pronounce soundly (pythoit' an tis ti hygies) on these matters, because they deal with the common good and with truth as basis of well-being.[18] Therefore, Plethon adduces as his authorities Zoroaster in the first place, followed by Eumolpos[19], because he had introduced the Eleusinian mysteries to Athens, which taught the immortality of the soul. To this follow the legislators Minos, Lycurgus, the Argonaut Iphitus, and Numa. Then Plethon refers summarily to the Brahmans of India, the Mages of Medians, i.e., Persians, and the Curetes, who distinguished themselves for having taught some of the major tenets listed above, namely the ranking of second and third order deities and the immortality of the creation and offspring of Zeus. Plethon mentions further sources, among others the priests of Dodone as interpreters of the oracles, one prophet Polyeidos, then Teiresias, who taught metempsychosis, Chiron, and the Seven Sages: Chilon, Solon, Bias, Thales, Cleobulus, Pittacus, and Myson. This list is rounded up by some more familiar authorities, namely, Pythagoras, Plato, Parmenides, Timaeus, Plutarchus, Plotinus, Porphyry, and Jamblichus.[20]
How should one read this list? Gemistos hastens to affirm that he is not at all intending to say anything new (oud' …neoterioumen), as the sophists do,[21] a claim that will be one of the points of criticism for Scholarios who insistently reproached Plethon's inventive innovations. What distinguishes these sages from the sophists, according to Plethon, is their universal concordance to the effect that "never their truth was newer than what has wrongly been stated".[22] Innovation, indeed, is the ambition of the Sophists, and ambition leads to innovation. A brief look at Plethon's more famous writing, his dissection of Aristotle's dissent from Plato, reveals who the sophists might have been: the Aristotelians, because vanity was the major cause responsible for Aristotle's apostasy from Platonism.
Plethon's authorities also exclude the poets, as has been said. He does not dwell upon them in this place, but the very title page of his Nomoi gives an important clue. He announces:
This work comprises: Theology according to Zoroaster and Plato, using for the gods recognized by philosophy the traditional names of the gods known to the Hellenes, but restoring them from the sense given them by the distortions of poets, which do not precisely conform with philosophy, to a sense which does […] conform to the greatest possible degree [with philosophy]…[23]
This is a clear rejection of the mythological theology of these ancients. From this point of view, the prayer quoted above is even more revealing. It is not addressed to the Muses, as any classicizing writer would have emulated, but to the philosophical gods. Ancient Greek mythology is restored to rational philosophy. And this restoration is remarkable by some blatant absences: not only the Muses, but also Apollo, Athena, Aphrodite, and many other gods that inhabited the Olympus seem to have moved out.
Nevertheless, some Hellenic gods – namely Zeus, Poseidon, and Hera – are reinstated, and Plethon justifies his claim with the list of authorities just mentioned. Not surprisingly, antiquity is the measure of truth. Unfortunately, some of these ancient authorities are legendary at best. Therefore, Scholarios had an easy time mockingly suspecting that Plethon certainly never read all of them. Also, this lack of authenticity necessarily jeopardized their teachings. Every scholar as learned as Scholarios could detect this. Plethon, however, put enormous effort in affirming the harmony of the ancient teachers and their status. The capstone of his construction of ancient wisdom was certainly Zoroaster, the most ancient of all sages, who – in Plethon's narrative – revealed the truth about the gods to the Persians and other Asian peoples.[24]
In order to boost Zoroaster's authority, Plethon even edited the Chaldaean Oracles from Michael Psellos and published them as Zoroaster's oracles. And again, every scholar of his time could easily verify this maneuver.
Therefore, the past was for Plethon a means to an end. He appears to have been dependent on construing a strong claim of antiquity for a philosophical theology, which exactly did not originate among the Ancients. This brings us to the second question, which I will treat only briefly.
As we already observed in the initial prayer, Plethon's gods are ambiguous: they are connected with logos, and as such they are both reasonable and oracular, and they guide knowledge based on science and opinion. This becomes even more evident in a summary of his doctrines. It starts by exhorting: "These are the main chapters that anyone who wants to be prudent or right-minded (phronimos) has to know: First this about the gods that they exist…"[25] The startling word, here, is phronimos. The most common usage of this word refers to practical knowledge, right-mindedness in this world, nothing close to wisdom and sanctity.[26] In Plato's book Nomoi there is only one passage that suggests some sapiential meaning of this word,[27] but even there this property is dependent on logos, and on the whole, the context belongs to ethics more than to theology. It should also be noted that in Plethon's system of virtues, phronesis exercises reason in humans, in as much as they are gifted with reason (logikon ti zoon).[28] This virtue, then, is divided into piety, natural knowledge, and soundness of judgment (theosebeia, physike, euboulia).[29] This piety can do well without revelation. The absence of the muses and the poetical deities indicates that there is no room for mystical inspiration from the Gods, and certainly no grace familiar to Christians. Plethon's mythology is Greek or Hellenic only in appearance. Most probably he endeavors to meet the expectations of an audience filled with humanist classicism, but in point of fact he brings this phase of emulation to an end. Plethon's Zoroaster, then, has less likeness with the legendary founder of a still existing religion of venerable age than with Nietzsche's Zarathustra.
II.
Now we are prepared to address the other two riddles of Ficino's praise: is it legitimate to lump Pico and Plethon together into one Aristotelianism, to which the latter does not belong in the first place? Argumentative "misery acquaints a man with strange bed-fellows".[30] Pico quotes Plethon, indeed, one time, but in a context that makes their association by Ficino's pen even more surprising, because it is in Pico's "Commentary on a Song of Love", which is known to be a harsh criticism of Ficino's appropriation of ancient mythology. Specifically Pico refers to the technique of the ancients to hide truth behind metaphors, so dear to his Florentine colleague. Here Pico betrays that he is familiar with Gemistos' work and offers his own hermeneutics of mythology: Oceanus, "father of gods and of men", he claims, is an image to signify the Angelic Mind, "the cause and source of every other creature which comes after it."[31] His authority is Georgios Gemistos, "a much approved Platonist" – approved by whom? So Pico hastens to add: "These are the waters, this is the living fountain, from which he who drinks never thirsts anymore: these are the waters or the seas upon which, as David says, God founded the whole world." Pico's artifice, here, is to channel ancient and Gemistian mythology back into clear waters of Christianity. This does not mean that Plethon is Christian, but that Pico at best has learned from him how to translate pagan wisdom philosophically, while he does not advocate this very paganism, but turns it into biblical correctness. If there is any canopy that covers Plethon and Pico, they stick their heads out at opposite ends.[32]
We may conclude from this that the Aristotelianism allegedly represented by Plethon and Pico is actually anti-Aristotelianism, and the defense of religion is of dubitable Christianity. With this collapses the first claim proffered in the quoted statement. The association of Pico and Plethon is even more questionable because Plethon had endeavored to prove that Aristotle is at variance with Plato, and with Christianity, whereas Pico just recently had wielded an attack on the distinction between Platonic and Peripatetic conceptions of the One and of Being. Already in 1484, Pico announced to Ermolao Barbaro that he was about to divert from Platonic studies in order to show that Plato and Aristotle contradict only in words while in the matters they were most concordant.[33] The De ente et uno was to become a sample of this project. This is justified, according to Pico, by the same Themistius, who in Ficino's praise is a founding father of true Aristotelianism.
A few remarks on chronology: The Plotinus edition was printed on 7th May 1492, one month after Lorenzo's death (8th April), but it had already been solemnly presented to him on 12th November 1490, to whom it is dedicated.[34] Whenever Ficino wrote his preface, he did not withdraw his references to Pico in it, even though De ente et uno was written in 1491 by this complatonicus.[35] Furthermore, there is Ficino's harsh rebuttal of De ente et uno in the commentary on Plato's Parmenides with the famous passage "Utinam ille mirandus iuvenis":
"Had this admirable youngster just diligently pondered over the disputations and queries, presented above, before being so cocksure as to assail his teacher and so headstrong as to publish views that run counter to those of all Platonists …!"[36]
The controversy is well known among Ficinisti; what I want to emphasize at this point is that Ficino's outburst – if it was factually justified – presupposes that Pico possibly could have read (and not perhaps anticipated) the Parmenides-Commentary, which, consequently, must have been in the making while Pico published his De ente et uno and Ficino introduced Plotinus.[37]
At this point, while reading the preface to Plotinus, the reader has already been enchanted by the praise of Pico who is inferred to have been providentially instrumental in stimulating Ficino to continue his work, inspired by Cosimo de'Medici, as Ficino describes it. Looking back in the text, we may state that Ficino actually needs Pico in order to justify his own work; and that means that in the passage quoted, two rhetorical strains merge: the Pico strain with the Plethon strain.
Ficino employed the figure of young Pico as having urged him to translate Plotinus – and we may leave the miraculous circumstances aside – in order to explain why he went beyond the command of Cosimo's who had commissioned only the Corpus Hermeticum and Plato. Now as is well known according to Ficino’s narrative, this idea that had been associated with the founding of the so called Platonic Academy, i.e. making these key texts available in Latin, came to Cosimo from Gemistos Plethon. Giovanni Pico, then, serves as a stepping stone between the remote event of the Council of Florence, when in 1439 Cosimo encountered Plethon, and the new translation of Plotinus, to be dedicated to Cosimo's grandson Lorenzo. The divine inspiration – instilled by Plethon and forwarded from Cosimo via Pico to Ficino – allegedly Christianizes the project, but this would have sounded dubitable if related only to Plethon. Consequently we may sum up the narrative as follows:
Plethon convinced Cosimo that Hermetism and Platonism contain "mysteria", hitherto unknown. Plotinus, in Ficino's view, must be the completion of the Medici project, which is now presented as an attempt to save religion. Ficino, well aware of the pagan implications of Plethon's doctrine, made Pico his accomplice, exactly because Pico had criticized the non-Christian implications and inconsistencies of Neo-Platonism and because he had advocated the compatibility of Aristotle and Plato from a "higher point of view" (as he maintained in his letter to Ermolao Barbaro). Thus, Pico was to help saving Ficino's reputation as a religious philosopher. For this purpose, Ficino had to parallel Plethon with the unsuspected Pico, to the effect that Plethon became so to say christened. This achieved, Ficino may now present Plotinus' works to Lorenzo as the source that discloses the "philosophiae mysteria" which had inspired Cosimo.
Finally, in order to tie up the whole narrative, Ficino makes reference to Angelo Poliziano, the professor of Aristotelian philosophy, close friend of Pico's, and certainly a competitor in the attention from Lorenzo. Ficino mentions that Porphyry's Life of Plotinus, that opens the whole work, was particularly dear to Poliziano, "alumnus tuus".
So, to return to the initial question: whom is Ficino actually praising when he praises people we wouldn't expect him to hold in praise? We should not forget that a dedicatory letter addressed to the backer of the book should first of all praise him. So Ficino eulogizes Lorenzo and his Grandfather and their friends. As it happens, he has to applaud them for intentions he does not share, or at least not in the same way. And, even worse, the addressee of the preface died before the book came out. Appropriately, in his new brief dedication to Pietro de'Medici, Ficino muses about being unfortunate. Ficino perceives the passing of times against which he pursues his Platonic project, and he craves recognition by those he praises.


[1] Marsilio Ficino, Opera (Basel: Henricpetri, 1576; Reprint Turin: Bottega d'Erasmo, 1983) II,p. 1537: "cuius mentem hodie pauci, praeter sublimem Picum complatonicum nostrum ea pietate, qua Theophrastus olim et Themistius, Porphyrius, Symplicius, Avicenna, et nuper Plethon interpretantur". About this preface see Sebastiano Gentile in Marsilio Ficino, Lettere, I (Florence: Olschki, 1990), pp. XIII-XLII; Sebastiano Gentile: "Giorgio Gemisto Pletone e la sua influenza sull'umanesimo fiorentino", in Paolo Viti (ed.): Firenze e il Concilio del 1439 (Florence: Olschki, 1994), I, pp. 813-832. Michael Stausberg: Faszination Zarathushtra. Zoroaster und die Europäische Religionsgeschichte der Frühen Neuzeit (Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1998) I, p. 82, called this preface a "geschickt inszenierte Legende" (a cunningly contrived legend). Cf. Cesare Vasoli, Quasi sit deus. Studi su Marsilio Ficino (Lecce: Conte, 1999), pp. 23-50. James Hankins: "Cosimo de' Medici and the 'Platonic Academy'", in Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 53 (1990), 144-162. Paul Richard Blum: Philosophieren in der Renaissance (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2004), pp. 167-175; Idem: "Die Graue Eminenz des Renaissance-Platonismus: Georgios Gemistos Plethon", Tumult. Schriften zur Verkehrswissenschaft 29 (2005), 119-129 (this issue is dedicated to "Georgios Gemistos Plethon (1355-1452), Reformpolitiker, Philosoph, Verehrer der alten Götter").
[2] The name refers to (Nagy-)Várad, Hungary, today Oradea in Romenia. Klára Pajorin: "Ioannes Pannonius e la sua lettera a Ficino, Verbum – Analecta Neolatina 1 (1999) 59-68.
[3] Ficino: Opera, pp. 871 sq. and 1537; translation from Michael J. B. Allen: "Golden Wits, Zoroaster and the Rivival of Plato", in idem.: Synoptic Art. Marsilio Ficino on the History of Platonic Interpretation (Florence: Olschki, 1998), p. 15.
[4] C. M. Woodhouse: Gemistos Plethon. The Last of the Hellenes (Oxford: Clarendon, 1986), p. 193, § 5.
[5] Woodhouse, S. 203, § 32.
[6] Woodhouse, S. 213, § 55.
[7] Bernadette Lagarde: "Le 'De differentiis' de Pléthon d'apres l'autographe de la Marcienne", Byzantion 43 (1973) 312-343; p. 321: Oi men hmwn palaioteroi kai Ellhnwn kai Romaiwn Platwna Aristotelou" pollw twi meswi proetimwn. I altered Woodhouse's translation, which – in accordance with the Latin – translates: "Our ancestors, both Hellenes and Romans, …" (cf. "Tam Graeci quam Romani veteres, qui nostrum saeculum antecesserunt …": Georgii Gemisti Plethonis De Platonicae atque Aristotelica philosophiae differentia libellus, ed. Georgius Chariander, Basel 1574, fol. B 2 v; cf. Migne PG 160, col. 890).
[8] John Monfasani: "Marsilio Ficino and the Plato-Aristotle Controversy", in Michael J. B. Allen and Valery Rees (eds.): Marsilio Ficino: His Theology, His Philosophy, His Legacy (Leiden: Brill, 2002), pp. 179-202; p. 199 edition of Ficino's marginal note on De fato from Cod. Riccardianus 76; pp. 196-199 Ficino's references toPlethon. On that codex see S. Gentile, S. Piccoli and P. Viti (eds.): Marsilio Ficino e il ritorno di Platone. Mostra di manoscritti, stampe e documenti, Firenze 1984, n. 43,pp. 55-57.
[9] Pléthon: Traité des lois, ed. C. Alexandre (Paris, 1858; reprint Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1966), I 2, pp. 30-32. In the following Nomoi will refer to this work.
[10] Ibid. I 5, p. 44.
[11] Some hints at possible Neoplatonic backgrounds of Plethon's Nomoi in Dominic J. O'Meara: Platonopolis. Platonic Political Philosophy in Late Antiquity (Oxford: Clarendon, 2003), pp. 203 sq., who also suggests parallels with a-Farabi's The Best State.
[12] Pléthon: Traité des lois, I 2.
[13] Woodhouse, p. 328 sq.; Traité, I 4, p. 45.
[14] Gennádiosz Szkholáriosz: Petrus Hispanus Mester Logikájából (Greek-Hungarian), ed. György Geréby (Budapest: Jószöveg, 1999), p. 214. Cf. George Karamanolis: "Plethon and Scholarios on Aristotle", in Katerina Ierodiakonou (ed.): Byzantine Philosophy and its Ancient Sources (Oxford: Clarendon, 2002), pp. 253-282.
[15] Arnold Toynbee: The Greeks and their Heritages (Oxford: University Press, 1981), p. 308.
[16] Toynbee, p. 308; Traité, Appendix XV, p. 404; Woodhouse, p. 13.
[17] Janus Pannonius: Poemata (Utrecht: Wild, 1784; reprint Budapest: Balassi, 2002), I, p. 561 (Epigrammatum lib. 1, nr. 236): "Nuper in Elysiis animam dum quaero Platonis, / Marsilio hanc Samius dixit inesse senex."
[18] Traité, p. 28.
[19] A fabulous Thracian singer and priest of Ceres, who brought the Eleusinian mysteries and the culture of the vine to Attica (Lewis and Short).
[20] Traité, pp. 30-32.
[21] Traité, p. 32.
[22] Traité, p. 34.
[23] Traité, p. 2, translation from Woodhouse, p. 322, with alterations.
[24] Traité, p. 30.
[25] Traité, p. 262; cf. Woodhouse, p. 319, who suggests "prudent" and "right-minded" for phronimos.
[26] See Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott: A Greek-English Lexicon, s.v. – Scholarios contraposed sophos and hieros to phronimos in his polemics agains Juvenalios, a pupil of Plethon's, by stating: "Allà sophòs men ouk ên, oudè hierós, phrónimos dé." Oeuvres complètes de Gennade Scholarios, ed. Louis Petit, X. A. Sideridès and Martin Jugie, tome 4, Paris 1935, p. 482, 6-7 (letter to Manuel Raoul Oises).
[27] Plato: Nomoi, 12, 963 e: "aneu de au logou psuchê phronimos te kai noun echousa out' egeneto pôpote".
[28] Plethon: Peri aretôn (De quatuor virtutum justa explicatio), PG 160, 865-882; 865.
[29] PG 160, 880. The virtues are explained as: Theosebeia regards the divine, physike the natural, euboulia the human things.
[30] Shakespeare: The Tempest, Act II, sc. II.
[31] Giovanni Pico della Mirandola: Commentary on a Canzone of Benivieni, transl. Sears Jayne (New York: Lang, 1984), II 19, p. 115.
[32] It should be noted at this point that Gianfrancesco Pico, who tended his uncle's legacy, seems to have known only the De differentiis, which he adduced, together with Bessarion and Nicholas of Cusa, in his Examen vanitatis doctrinae Gentilium, book 4, when criticizing Aristotle: Joannes Franciscus Picus Mirandulanus: Opera omnia, (Basel: Henricpetri, 1573; reprint: Turin: Bottega d'Erasmo, 1972), vol. 2, pp. 1025, 1239 sq.
[33] Giovanni Pico della Mirandola: Opera omnia (Basel: Henricpetri, 1572; reprint Turin: Bottega d'Erasmo, 1971), I p. 368 f.: „Diverti nuper ab Aristotele in Academiam, sed non transfuga, ut inquit ille [Themistius], verum explorator. Videor tamen (dicam tibi, Hermolae, quod sentio) duo in Platone agnoscere, et Homericam illam eloquendi facultatem supra prosam orationem sese attollentem, et sensuum, si quis eos altius introspiciat, cum Aristotele omnino communionem, ita ut si verba spectes, nihil pugnantius, si res nihil concordius." Cf. Eugenio Garin: "Introduzione", in Giovanni Pico della Mirandola: De hominis dignitate, Heptaplus, De ente et uno e scritti vari, ed. Eugenio Garin (Florence: Vallecchi, 1942), p. 9.
[34] Paul Oskar Kristeller: Supplementum Ficinianum (Florence: Olschki, 1937; reprint 1999), I, pp. CXXVIII and CLVIII. Raymond Marcel: Marsile Ficin (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1958), pp. 504, 507 f. On Lorenzo's personal copy see: Marsilio Ficino e il ritorno di Platone. Mostra, n. 115, pp. 147-149.
[35] Eugenio Garin: Giovanni Pico della Mirandola. Vita e dottrina (Florence: Le Monnier, 1937), p. 42, says the dedication of De ente et uno to Angelo Poliziano dates 1492, but there Pico speaks in present tense about "Ethica hoc anno publice enarras", and Poliziano started teaching Aristotle's Ethics in 1490-91: Paul F. Grendler: The Universities of the Italian Renaissance (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002), p. 238. Cf. PaoloViti (ed.): Pico, Poliziano e l’Umanesimo de fine Quattrocento, Catalogo (Florence: Olschki, 1994), p. 119.
[36] Ficino, In Parmenidem, cap. 47 (Opera II, 1164): "Utinam ille mirandus iuvenis disputationes, discussionesque superiores diligenter consideravisset, antequam tam confidenter tangeret praeceptorem, ac tam secure contra Platonicorum omnium sententiam divulgasset, et divinum Parmenidem simpliciter esse logicum, et Platonem una cum Aristotele ipsum cum ente unum, et bonum adaequavisse." I partly used the translation in Jill Kraye: "Ficino in the Firing Line: A Renaissance Platonist and His Critics", in: Allen/Rees, pp. 377-397, p. 379.
[37] According to Kristeller, Supplementum, I p. CXX, the Parmenides commentary was begun after November 1492; but Ficino complains that Pico should have read his "disputationes, discussionesque", which in fact appear like independent quaestiones inserted into the commentary; these might have been written beforehand.